A view of the city of Ceuta, Spain. @pablogallard0/Adobe Stock

In late July, an estimated 72,000 people left Morocco and attempted to enter the autonomous Spanish city of Ceuta in northern Africa, with many swimming around a border fence to gain access. In the ensuing chaos, around 100 people were killed. The situation has once again highlighted the shortcomings of Europe’s response to migration.

While the majority of people were returned to Morocco within several days, a few thousand are thought to remain in the city. The Spanish government estimates that between 6,000 and 10,000 individuals are still in Ceuta. Local authorities have suggested the number may be higher.

Both Ceuta and Melilla, another Spanish enclave, are the only places where the EU shares a land border with Africa. Ceuta has a population of just over 83,000 and is now seeking to contain a humanitarian crisis, while tensions between those migrants still present in the city and local residents are high. The Spanish government says it’s building shelters for temporary housing and processing claims, though local authorities have criticised it for not doing enough.

‘In the case of Ceuta, although there is probably a mix of reasons for why the borders were opened that night […] it is important to highlight that the youth in Morocco have little prospect for their future,’ says Sarah Wolff, Professor in International Studies and Global Politics at Leiden University. Youth unemployment in Morocco sat at around 37 per cent as of 2025, according to the International Monetary Fund.

An earlier mass border crossing, in 2021, took place after the leader of the Western Sahara independence movement, Polisario Front, was allowed entry to Spain to be treated for Covid-19. Morocco, which also claims Western Sahara, then eased border controls and about 10,000 people made the crossing.

In 2022, Spain backed Morocco’s claim to the territory, causing a row with Algiers, which supports the Polisario Front. Just before the recent crossing, Sánchez had upset relations with Morocco again by visiting Algiers, the first in four years by a Spanish head of state. Morocco’s government denies taking any deliberation action to permit the crossings in July.

Earlier in 2026, the Spanish government gave legal status to 500,000 undocumented migrants, who it said were already ‘part of our everyday lives’. The governments of some EU Member States criticised this decision, claiming it would encourage further migration to the bloc.

Following the Ceuta crisis, Italy’s government temporarily suspended its Schengen arrangement with Spain. Twenty-two EU leaders wrote a letter to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, saying that Spain’s policy giving legal status to migrants had created a ‘pull factor’ for ‘illegal migration’. Spain responded by accusing some leaders of being ‘selfish’ in their reaction to the Ceuta crossings.

‘The immediate situation was linked to relations between Spain and Morocco, but it also showed how migration can quickly become a political and diplomatic issue. More broadly, it highlights the challenge the EU faces in balancing border security, international relations and humanitarian responsibilities,’ says Karolina Schiffter, Vice-Chair of the IBA Immigration and Nationality Law Committee.

Much of Europe seemed united in responding to the situation in Ceuta by calling for improved border controls. Von der Leyen praised Spain’s quick handling of the crisis in a letter to Sánchez. ‘From this incident, it is clear that we must do more to further strengthen our borders at critical points, including vigilant monitoring and the use of physical barriers where needed,’ the letter continued.

Indeed, the EU response to migration has predominantly focused on deterrence and control, instead of addressing the root causes – with mixed results. In recent years, the EU has sought to ‘externalise’ migration to third countries. ‘The EU has struck migration deals with Tunisia, Morocco, Senegal, Mauritania and Libya in the past few years,’ says Wolff. ‘Overall, billions of euros have been invested in stopping migratory fluxes or border training in third countries, including six billion for the EU-Turkey deal in 2016. But how much of that money has really been effective in stopping migrants?’ she says.

As long as opportunities are limited in their home countries, people will continue to search for better abroad. Legal routes to employment opportunities in Europe may be required to fill gaps in the workforce across some sectors. ‘There is a need to have a comprehensive approach on migration and economic opportunities both in the country of origin, but also in Europe, or other countries in the region,’ says Wolff. ‘In the EU there is one big taboo: we are lacking workforce and Europe is an ageing continent that is lagging behind in terms of competitiveness.’

However, ‘achieving a coordinated European response is often challenging, as individual Member States may have different political priorities, economic interests and views on migration policy,’ says Schiffter, a partner at Fragomen in Warsaw. ‘Balancing these different interests while maintaining a common approach remains one of the EU’s biggest challenges in the migration field.’